VULNERABLE GROUPS PLANNING FRAMEWORK (P169779)

ANGOLA’S SOCIAL SUPPORT FUND
MASFAMU
May 2019
May 2019
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………………………….1
2. Vulnerable Groups in Angola ………………………………………………………………………………1
3. Angolan Legal Framework with regard to IP/SSAHUTLCS……………………………3
4. The San in Angola ……………………………………………………………………………………………..4
5. The Social Safety Nets Project …………………………………………………………………………..12
6. Vulnerable Groups Planning Framework …………………………………………………………….16
7. Requirements for a Social Assessment of Vulnerable Groups Plan …………………………17
8. Elements of a Vulnerable Groups Plan………………………………………………..18
9. Stakeholder Engagement …………………………………………………………………………………..19
10. Potential Impacts of the Project on Vulnerable Groups ………………………………………..21
11. Consultations………………………………………………………………………………………………….23
12. Institutional Arrangements……………………………………………………………………………….23
13. Disclosure ……………………………………………………………………………………………………..25
14. Organizations working with San ……………………………………………………………………….25
15. Estimated Budget ……………………………………………………………………………………………26
ANNEX 1
Screening Tool for SSAHUTLCs under ESS 7………………………………………. 27
ANNEX 2
Summary of Consultations……………………………………………………………….34
ACRONYMS
AOA Angolan Kwanza
ADECOS Health and Community Development Agents
CASI Integrated Social Action Center
CBO Community-Based Organizations
CSO Civil Society Organization
DPF Development Policy Financing
ESS Environment and Social Standards
FAS Angola’s Social Support Fund
GOA Government of Angola
GRM Grievance Redress Mechanism
IDREA Households Budget and Expenditure Survey
IP Indigenous Peoples
IPP Indigenous Peoples Plan
IP/SSAHUTLC Indigenous Peoples/Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities
LDP Local Development Project
MASFAMU Ministry of Social Action, Family and Promotion of Women
M&E Monitoring and Evaluation
NGO Non-Government Organization
O&OD Obstacles and Opportunities for Development
OSISA Open Society Institute of Southern Africa
PSIA Poverty and Social Impact Assessment
SADC South African Development Community
SADF South African Defense Force
SEP Stakeholder Engagement Plan
TdH Terre des Hommes
TPA Angolan Public Television
VGP Vulnerable Groups Plan
VGPF Vulnerable Groups Planning Framework
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The Government of the Republic of Angola has requested financial support from the World Bank for a social safety net project that would provide temporary income support to poor households in targeted areas and strengthen the delivery mechanisms for a permanent social safety net system.
The Social Safety Nets Project is designed to advance the social protection agenda which will consolidate and strengthen the effectiveness of social safety nets, in turn to strengthen households’ capacity to manage risks, build human capital and help extremely poor household move into sustainable livelihoods. The safety nets would improve access to socio-economic services and income-earning opportunities for targeted households below the poverty line while enhancing and protecting the human capital of their children. It is also designed as a temporary mitigation measure for the potential impact of the subsidy reform on the poor, in targeted municipalities which concentrate urban poverty.
The World Bank has defined Environmental and Social Standards (ESS’s) which are designed to avoid, minimize, reduce or mitigate environmental and social impacts of the projects it finances. The World Bank will only support projects that are expected to meet the requirements of these ESS’s in a manner and timeframe that is acceptable to the Bank.
While all ESS’s apply to the Project, it is likely that six of them will be most relevant. These Standards contribute to poverty reduction and sustainable development by ensuring that projects supported by the Bank enhance opportunities for Indigenous Peoples/Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities (IP/SSAHUTLCs1) to participate in, and benefit from the development process in ways that do not threaten their unique cultural identities and wellbeing. This VGPF is based on relevant aspects of Angolan law and the World Bank’s ESS’s, in particular ESS 7 (Sub-Saharan Africa Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities) and ESS 10 (Stakeholder Engagement and Information Disclosure).
Vulnerable Groups in the Project refer to those who are likely to be adversely affected by project impacts and /or are more limited than others in their ability to take advantage of Program benefits. Such individuals or groups are susceptible to exclusion from, and/or are unable to fully participate in the mainstreaming consultation process and as such may require specific measures and assistance to ensure adequate inclusion in Program activities.
SSAHUTLCs in the Project area include hunter-gatherer communities, pastoralist, agro-pastoralist and nomadic communities. The vulnerability of these communities is linked to their lifestyle as most of them live in geographically difficult to access areas which deprive them of access to social services.
1 The Government of Angola refers to Indigenous Peoples/Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities as “Ethnic minorities”.
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This Vulnerable Groups Planning Framework (VGPF) is a guide for fully engaging SSAHUTLCs (referred to as “Vulnerable Groups”, or VGs, in this Project) in specific plans that will be developed during the implementation of the Project at the community level in order to provide these groups with equitable access to project benefits in a manner that is culturally appropriate. The Vulnerable Groups Plans (VGPs) for sub-projects will be prepared through a highly participatory, flexible and pragmatic process using participatory planning approach.
The VGPF will help the Vulnerable Groups to create important opportunities for improving their quality of life and wellbeing. The Project will have benefits to VGs, with potential minor negative impacts of less significance and magnitude. The Project aims to maintain and strengthen positive outcomes, including culturally appropriate benefits, and to mitigate negative impacts.
Angola’s Social Support Fund (FAS) will establish a monitoring system involving central, provincial and municipal staff, as well as communities to ensure effective implementation of IPPs at the community level. The project’s grievance mechanism provides a formal channel for community members to air grievances and to improve performance and provide a high level of accountability.
The budget for implementation of VGPs at the community level will depend on the number of Vulnerable Groups, nature, type and time. All costs required to implement the Plans will be incorporated in the Project budget funded by the project.
This version of the VGPF was prepared by the Angola’s Social Support Fund for the Social Safety Nets Project (P169779). The total amount of the Project is of US$320 million. The project has three main components; namely: (i) Component 1 – Cash transfer program to poor households (US$ 260 million equivalent); (ii) Component 2 – Development of a effective basic safety nets system, including (a) implementing communication strategy for the subsidy reform and the safety net programs; and (b) establishing a basic safety nets system, supporting investments in productive and human capital (US$ 50 million equivalent); (iii) Component 3 – Project management (US$ 10 million equivalent). The project would be implemented in 40 municipalities in Angola from 2019 to 2023.
The activities developed under the Project are unlikely to have adverse impacts on Vulnerable Groups’ rights, lands, livelihoods and culture. A rapid social assessment was undertaken which confirmed there are San peoples in four of the provinces in which the project will be implemented: Cunene (Kwanbama municipality), Moxico (Luau and Luena municipalities), Huila (Lubango and Matala municipalities) and Cuando Cubango (Menongue municipality). There may be other groups in the munipalities included in the project area that are SSAHUTLCs as well, but this would need to be confirmed by a screening process. As the exact locations of the interventions in the 40 selected municipalities will not be identified until implementation, this VGPF has been prepared to provide guidance including screening criteria, information regarding culturally appropriate participation/consultation and adaptations to ensure that VGs will benefit from the cash transfers and productive inclusion activities.
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Regarding the consultation process, it is worth highlighting that in order to ensure that VGs are aware of the opportunity to benefit from the project, FAS has reached out to key National Government Organizations (NGOs) and provincial FAS delegations that work specifically with San populations to inform them about project opportunities. The VGPF was developed based on inputs and discussions with the NGOs ACADIR and Mbakita who focus on working with San populations in the province of Cuando Cubango. Among the key principles are utilizing extensive consultation and participatory tools throughout the life of the project to address negative impacts and ensure accrued benefits are shared among Vulnerable Groups. In addition, the VGPF benefits from direct NGO consultations that were conducted as part of the rapid social assessment to assess the impact the project could have on indigenous populations. Moreover, the VGPF reflects the experience and insights shared throughout the implementation of the current World Bank-financed FAS project, the Local Development Project (LDP), and through the preparation missions of the Social Safety Nets Project which captures the experience of working with the municipal, provincial, and central Government; civil society including NGOs, Consultation Councils; and direct beneficiaries.
The institutional arrangements for the VGPF will comprise three main building blocks namely: (i) screening; (ii) preparation of VGPs, based on social assessments; and (iii) implementation and monitoring. During the screening, FAS will work with organizations currently working with San populations to identify where San and other SSAHUTLC communities now reside. The VGP will be developed by FAS and would lay the foundations to ensure that VGs will receive appropriate support and that there will be mitigation measures for potential limited negative impacts. For the implementation and monitoring phase, FAS will contract an NGO with previous experience working with Vulnerable Groups to better plan and implement activities benefitting this target group.
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1. Introduction
This Vulnerable Groups Policy Framework (VGPF) is developed for the Social Safety Nets Project and it builds from previous experience implementing the Local Development Project (P105101).
Ethnic minorities/Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities (SSAHUTLCs)
This VGPF was developed in May 2019 to reflect the geographic scope of the Social Safety Nets Project, which is being implemented in 40 municipalities and would include the Cuando Cubango (Menongue municipality), Cunene (Kwanbama municipality), Moxico (Luau and Luena municipalities), Huila (Lubango and Matala municipalities) where San and, possibly, other Vulnerable Groups reside. While the project will largely be implemented in urban and peri-urban areas, it could include groups which meet the criteria of the World Bank’s Environmental and Social Standard 7 on Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities (SSHUTLCs). This draft VGPF was developed by FAS based on the inputs from the rapid social assessment, consultations, and the experience obtained through the implementation of the LDP, during which several consultations were organized with local communities and municipal and provincial Governments in the province of Moxico. FAS has consulted and gathered information from provincial authorities from Moxico, Cuando Cubango and Huila, which have San people in their regions.
The main sections of the VGPF include: background on the Ethnic minorities/SSAHUTLCs in the project area, including a rapid social assessment; project description and expected impacts; description of the requirements for a social assessment of a VGP; stakeholder engagement/consultations/disclosure; institutional arrangements; a grievance mechanism and budget
2. Vulnerable Groups in Angola2
Angola is ethnically diverse with 41 different language groups, which are considered national languages3. There are groups in Angola who would be considered SSAHUTLC’s under the Bank’s Environmental and Social Framework (Environmental and Social Standard 7) (and also under international law, including the United Nations and African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights). These include the San peoples found in the provinces of Cuando Cubango, Cunene, Huila and Moxico, as well as possibly in Huambo and Bie. Other groups may also meet the criteria but would require additional screening (see below).
According to ESS 7, the term “Indigenous Peoples/Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities” (referred to as “Ethic Minorities” in Angola) is used in a generic
2 Information extracted from: “The San (Bushmen) of Angola 2007 – A Status Report” by Rulan Heunis. 2007. ImageAfrica.net.
3 Portuguese is the official language of the Republic of Angola.
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sense to refer exclusively to a distinct social and cultural group possessing the following characteristics in varying degrees:
a. Self-identification as members of a distinct indigenous social cultural group and recognition of this identity by others: The San have a strong group identity based upon language, culture, livelihood practices, land and in some cases, appearance. They are generally considered to be a minority group based on population in the areas where they live and they have also been subject to social and cultural discrimination. They are not generally considered to be members of neighbouring ethnic groups (low acculturation).
b. Collective attachment4 to geographically distinct habitats, ancestral territories, or areas of seasonal use or occupation, as well as to the natural resources in these areas: The San are the earliest known inhabitants of southern Africa, predating Bantu and colonial migrations. Many San groups, including the !Kung and Khwe in Angola, have inhabited the same lands for thousands of years, and have a close relationship with the land and its natural resources.
c. Customary cultural, economic, social, or political institutions that are distinct or separate from those of the mainstream society and culture: The San have little, if any, political representation in Angola, and traditionally have had more egalitarian leadership structures rather than chiefdoms or kinship-based hierarchies common in other Angolan ethnic groups. The culture and traditional livelihoods of San communities are markedly different from other Angolan groups and lack the pastoralist or agrarian heritage common to most Angolan groups. The traditional institutions have focused on maintaining cultural practices and community cohesion, including sharing benefits and maintaining livelihoods.
d. A distinct language or dialect, often different from the official language or languages of the country or region in which they reside: All San languages in southern Africa fall within three language families grouped as Khoesan (or Khoisan) languages, which are unique to San and Khoi peoples. The common feature of these languages is the use of click consonants, where up to five different clicks are used.
ESS 7 also applies to communities or groups of SSAHUTLCs who, during the lifetime of members of the community or group, have lost collective attachment to distinct habitats or ancestral territories in the project area, because of forced severance, conflict, government resettlement programs, dispossession of their land, natural disasters, or incorporation of such territories into an
4 “Collective attachment” means that for generations there has been a physical presence in and economic ties to land and territories traditionally owned, or customarily used or occupied, by the groups concerned, including areas that hold special significance for it, such as sacred sites.
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urban area.5 Given that the project is being implemented in urban and peri-urban areas, screening will be undertaken to clarify if SSAHUTLCs are in the project area.
3. Angolan Legal Framework with regard to SSAHUTLCS
Angola, in common with many African states, does not employ the term “Indigenous Peoples” within the country as broadly recognized in international law. Despite Angola’s ethnic diversity, there are no specific references to Indigenous Peoples or ethnic minorities in the Constitution, nor in other domestic law and policies. The San and certain pastoralist groups, such as the Ovatwa, Ovatjimba, Ovazemba, Kwisi and Kwepe, are included as a “Vulnerable Groups”, and they, together with people with disabilities, rural women and the extremely poor, receive support from rural programmes of GoA, but are not formally identified along ethnic lines. When specifically referred to, the collective names of San and certain pastoralist groups are used, or the term “autóctone”, which is understood to refer to groups under a similar but not identical concept as “Indigenous Peoples”.6
The Angolan Constitution does not mention groups such as the San specifically. It does obligate the state to promote and guarantee the measures needed to ensure the universal right to medical and health care, including developing and ensuring an operational health service throughout national territory.
The Government of Angola does implement programs that specifically address San communities, both through national line ministries and provincial governments. For example, the Ministry of Social Action, Family and the Promotion of Women (MASFAMU) has a mandate to support and integrate San communities and pastoralist groups into the mainstream economy under the broader concept of support to vulnerable groups”7.
The Ministries of State Administration, Health, and Education have also carried out programs with specific components for the benefit of San communities. However, few reports are publicly available on the work of the Government of Angola with these communities.
5 Care must be taken in application of ESS 7 in urban areas. Generally, it does not apply to individuals or small groups migrating to urban areas in search of economic opportunity. It may apply, however, where SSAHUTLCs have established distinct communities in or near urban areas but still possess the characteristics stated in sections a. to d. above.
6 In relation to the above clarifications, for the purposes of this report the term autóctone will be used as the preferred terminology.
7 http://www.saflii.org/ao/legis/num_act/eodmdaers580.pdf
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The Government of Angola is a signatory to ILO107, the Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention of 1957, which it ratified in 1976, though no reporting has been received since 2010.8 Angola is signatory to several international treaties of relevance to the rights of indigenous peoples, including ICERD (International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination), CEDAW-OP (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women including the optional protocol on reporting), CRC (Convention on the Rights of the Child), ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) and CESCR (Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights). Angola also voted in favor of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, which, though non-binding, does confer a commitment to develop national policies that embrace the aims of the declaration.
Concluding observations by the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) in 2016 raised issues of the lack of recognition of ethnic minorities, discrimination, limited service provision, lack of consent procedures regarding economic activities on territories and lack of data on ethnic minorities in Angola. The Human Rights Council (UPR) report of 2014 contained comments regarding discrimination against San children and rights regarding reported evictions of ethnic minorities.
4. The San in Angola
The San of Angola number approximately 25,000 people, potentially the third largest San population in southern Africa after Botswana and Namibia (approximately 60,000 and 40,000 respectively), though estimates vary, and few extensive data collections have taken place. Estimates from anthropologists have historically been lower than this figure, but more recent work by NGOs and Government show a higher national population of San than previously thought (also see the final section of this report). The San are referred to as “khoisan”, “koisan”, “vassequele” and “kamussequele” among other terms, are found mainly in the southern provinces of Huila, Cunene, Moxico and Cuando Cubango.
Each of the different San groups speak their own language or dialect, have distinct customs, traditions and histories. San groups in Angola include the Khwe and Mpungu !Kung (also referred to as !Xun or Mpungu !Xun), who are also related to groups in northern areas of Namibia and Botswana.
8 https://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:13100:0::NO:13100:P13100_COMMENT_ID:3295921:NO
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In this report, the term “San” is used as it was selected by San political representatives at regional meetings (1998 and 2003), attended by San from Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Angola, as the preferred term for broad reference to the many distinct San groups. In general, the various groups identify themselves with their respective group names rather than the external general terms such as San, Khoisan or Bushmen, denoting the overarching group of former hunter-gatherers. Some of the San groups have lost their language completely and speak the languages of the neighboring groups.
While in the past the San were hunter-gatherers, most in southern Africa now practice a combination of subsistence agriculture, informal manual work and receive food aid, though a number of significant traditional livelihood practices remain, including gathering of bush foods and in some cases hunting and craft production.
From NGO reports, research studies and news articles, Angola’s San appear to share similar socioeconomic challenges, marginalization and deprivation found among the San in neighboring countries, together with experience over 25 years of civil and cross-border conflict since 1966. Many San fled across the border to Namibia during the conflict in Angola, joining or been co-opted into service with the South African Defense Force (SADF) during the border war in Namibia’s independence struggle, which included a range of Angolan forces (principally FNLA/UNITA alongside the SADF and FAPLA/MPLA alongside Namibia’s PLAN) and their allies. Hence a significant number of !Kung from Angola and their descendants are now living in eastern Namibia and the Northern Cape region of South Africa.
The San in Angola have noteworthy media attention on a national level, with the national broadcaster TPA airing short segments on the San approximately monthly, and with some coverage in national newspapers. A TPA broadcast journalist wrote a short book on the San in Cuando Cubango in late 2015. Many of the articles and news stories contain elements of anthropological information but focus on current issues, especially extreme poverty experienced by San communities. It is clear from these media segments that the San are treated as a recognized
Approximately map of San
Approximately map of San distribution (WIMSAdistribution (WIMSA 2008)2008)
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distinct Angolan group and, given the number of stories specifically on the San, one that merits particular attention. The sections below highlight the presence of the San in two areas with among the highest percentage or urban and peri-urban poor.
The San in Cuando Cubango
Cuando Cubango is a large province in southern Angola, bordered by Bié and Moxico Provinces to the north and west, in the east by the Republic of Zambia and to the south by the Republic of Namibia. Of particular interest, across the province’s southern border with Namibia both Khwe and !Kung groups are found in considerable numbers, but with a majority of Khwe.
There is a lack of easily accessible data on the San in Cuando Cubango, and Angola in general, in comparison to neighboring SADC countries with San populations. However, numerous reports exist from colonial periods (for example Bleek, 1928 and Schapera, 1930) up to the present day, that give an adequate if not detailed picture of San in the province.
Taken together, these reports evidence a long-standing occupation of Cuando Cubango by San groups, as well as use of local natural resources, indicating collective attachment of San to areas of the province. In neighboring areas of Namibia, San are estimated to have inhabited the area for at least 10,000 years.
Map of et
Map of ethnic groups in Angola circa 1970,hnic groups in Angola circa 1970,
Perry
Perry–Castañeda Library MaCastañeda Library Map Collection, University p Collection, University of Texaof Texass
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The San remain an easily identifiable minority by neighboring populations, with whom they often have an unequal relationship. This is due to factors including: physical appearance, language, customs and livelihoods. Reports by government, NGOs and communities themselves indicate varying degrees of marginalization, in particular detailing discriminatory labor and social relations with neighboring groups, poverty, poor education access and attainment and comparatively low health outcomes. Land expropriation by the state and private entities has also been reported by San groups in Cuando Cubango (Savate, Mucundi and border areas), and food insecurity has been widely reported in previous years, including a limited number of mortalities in Cuando Cubango’s San communities in 2014.
The Government of Angola has taken a range of measures to specifically address inequality between the San and other communities, within Cuando Cubango and other provinces. This includes programs by the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Education and MASFAMU (the latter having mandate to address “vulnerable communities” and carrying out specific programs with San communities). Support includes the provision of food aid, equipment and training for agriculture, schools, clinics and in some cases housing. The provincial government has also been active in promoting these activities implementation a range of support. While a large range of activities take place, the lack of comprehensive reporting for government projects reduces the ability to assess impacts.
Four Angolan registered NGOs have current or specific areas of work with San communities in Cuando Cubango, in addition to supporting other vulnerable groups. These are:
• ACADIR (Associãcao de Conservacão do Ambiente e Desenvolvimento Integrado Rural): A Menongue-based NGO working with San communities on issues of education, advocacy and human rights.
• MBAKITA (Missão de Beneficência Agro-pecuária do Kubango, Inclusão, Tecnologia e Ambiente): Also based in Menongue, MBAKITA works principally with agricultural training, livelihoods and human rights issues with San communities. Has previously implemented project components on access to health services for San communities.Cuando Cubanga
• OCADEC (Organizacao Cristã de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Comunitario): A Lubango based NGO principally serving San in Huila Province, but having implemented education, human rights and advocacy activities in Cuando Cubango in previous years. Has previously implemented project components on access to HIV/AIDS services for San communities.
• ACC (Associação Construindo Comunidades), has carried out work with San in southern Angola on political participation. Mostly in Cunene.
ACADIR and MBAKITA in particular have a range of reports on their work with San communities. Their activities focus on agriculture (including food security), livelihoods, health education and community-based natural resources management. ACADIR has also supported
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registration and identity activities and access to clean water. MBAKITA has worked on community programs dealing with human rights, food security and information and communication. All the NGOs experience difficulties due to the low availability of civil society funding for their activities. Key donors appear to be small to medium programmatic grants from international donors (e.g. Open Society Foundation, Terre des Hommes (TdH) and grants from Luanda based foreign embassies) and government-linked grants. It should be noted that some reports mention missionary organizations that have carried out work with San communities in southern Angola. This includes health outreach; however, information on the scope and type of support is not available.
Representatives or groups of the San communities in Cuando Cubango have also taken part in various activities and conferences, including with other San from the region with whom they share overarching identity. This includes conferences and meetings in Angola, Namibia and South Africa, to discuss development priorities with officials from the Government of Angola, and with international donors including the Open Society Institute of Southern Africa (OSISA) and TdH. These meetings have noted that the national and international political representation of Angolan San is weak, and no single institution exists to ensure adequate representation or advocacy.
Map of some San settlements visited in 2003 (WIMSA)
In terms of population and distribution, many San can be found in the areas of Menongue, Cuito Cuanavale, Cuangar, Nankova, Calai, Dirico and Rivungo. San settlements are also reporting at Waiombua, Jamba Cueio, Bundo Kassela, Mukundi, Ntopa, and Vovo Mambanda. A map above, though dated, illustrates some the main areas where San are found.
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Population estimates of San in Cuando Cubango, as previous stated, vary to a large extent. However, estimates in the last 10 years tend to be significantly higher than earlier estimates, as illustrated below. This may be explained by a combination of low initial estimates by various experts, increased self-identification as San, improvements in access to some regions previously not regularly visited and an increasing birth and/or infant survival rate in San communities (some newspaper reports significant proportion of the San population being children).
2006 – OCADEC and ACADIR
Limited census based on San project beneficiaries
Individuals
Households
Cuando Cubango
Menongue
Kavanga
57
14
Kuinka
47
10
Bairro Novo
66
15
Ntopa
61
13
Kanhonga
35
9
Mukundi
65
14
Kuangar
Savate
32
17
Bº Centro Kambwandi 1 and 2
21
11
Tandawe
116
27
Katuitui
82
10
Kuangar sede
78
15
Total
660
155
2008 – MASFAMU (ex-MINARS)
County
Area
Individuals
1
Menongue
Wuaiombua
415
2
Caiundo
Caiundo
515
3
Savati
Savati
218
4
Catuiti
Catuiti
680
5
Cuangar
Cuangar
1521
Total
3,349
2016 – MASFAMU (ex-MINARS)
Total number of San community members registered in Cuando Cubango: 8,092. This number consisted of 985 (12%) adult men, 1,311 adult women (16%), 2,303 boys (28%) and 3,493 girls (43%). Notably, this indicates more than two thirds of the population is children9 (71%), and approximately 60% female.
9 Note that no age bracket was given in this data, however in relevant national laws in Angola children are defined as under 18 years.
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The San in Huila
It was not until 2003 that a San population was discovered to be living in the province of Huila. At that time, they were living in an emergency situation with severe food insecurity. The province of Huila and civil society organizations (CSOs), assisted the San by providing food, clothes, and medicines.
Several government ministries and local government bodies have programs that involve San and other indigenous communities, although the overall support provided to and recognition of Ethnic minorities/SSAHUTLC by the Government of Angola has been inconsistent and limited. During 2007-2008, the government, with the assistance of OCADEC and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), facilitated registration of ancestral land for one San community. Unfortunately, no other community has been able to successfully register ancestral land. The process of land registration has been changed as well as the responsible agencies. In early 2014, the Ministry of Social Welfare (MINARS), supported by OCADEC and with funding from the Embassy of France, supplied oxen, ploughing equipment, seed and food relief to 150 San families in Huila Province, as part of a two-year project that commenced in 2013. As some of the San have been settling in peri-urban areas in Huila, they may be beneficiaries of the Social Safety Net program.
Other Vulnerable Groups in the project area:
As indicated above, the provinces which the project covers include pastoral or semi-nomadic groups that are considered as vulnerable by the Government. One or more of these groups may also meet the requirements of ESS 7, but this would have to be confirmed by a social screening and assessment during project implementation, including their presence in the project area10 before the Vulnerable Groups Plans are initiated. These include several of the Herero language minority groups found in south west Angola, mainly within Namibe Province: the Ovahimba, Ovatjimba, Ovazemba, Kwisi, Kwepe and Ovatwa. All speak dialects of the Herero language, though these may not be mutually intelligible, and some share similar livelihood patterns. These groups rely to a greater or lesser extent on pastoralism and subsistence agriculture, though historically the Kwisi, Kwepe and Ovatwa were predominantly hunter-gatherers. A close ethnic relationship has been shown between the Kwisi and Ovatwa, who may represent geographically separated populations of the same group, with the Kwepe being a related but divergent group. The Ovahimba, Ovatjimba and Ovazemba are all related, though distinct groups.
The six semi-nomadic groups in question can be split into two subsets based on historical livelihoods and interrelations.
The Kwisi, Kwepe and Ovatwa are often referred to peripatetic communities – traditionally semi-nomadic communities with historically hunter-gatherer livelihoods and have more often traded with other communities rather than taken up pastoralism. The Kwisi, Kwepe and Ovatwa are likely isolated descendants of early Bantu migrants, and in the case of the Kwisi and Kwepe may have socially interacted or intermarried with San groups formerly in the region, hence giving rise to
10 Annex 1 includes the screening tool to be used by the project task team and the PIU.
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their previous use of Khoesan language (“click” languages also used by the San). The groups are listed below with the most widely used academic names given first, and variations thereafter:
a. Ovahimba
The Ovahimba are a semi-nomadic pastoralist group, found in south-west Angola and north-west Namibia, and speak a dialect of the Herero language. Ovahimba women are particularly well-known for their appearance, including continued traditional practices of braiding their hair and applying a red mixture of ochre and butterfat to their hair and skin. The Ovahimba self-identify and have been recognised as Indigenous Peoples at an international level, especially through their advocacy and campaigns over land issues in Namibia. It is not clear whether that level of organization and representation is also present in Angola. Population estimates tend to be close to 50,000 for Namibia and Angola combined, so likely in the tens of thousands.
Related populations found in the same region include the Ovatjimba and Ovazemba. Less information is available on the Ovatjimba and Ovazemba, small groups with similarities to both the Ovahimba and Ovatwa, who likely had past livelihoods combining hunting and gathering with pastoralism.
b. The Kwisi / Kwissis / Mucuissi / Cuissis
The Kwisi are a small population found in central areas of Namibe. They previously spoke a Khoesan language, which became extinct sometime in the last 20 to 50 years. They now speak the Herero dialect, Kuvale, of their neighbours and have been known to adapt the cultures of nearby groups (for example, wearing the same kinds of adornments as the Ovahimba). Groups apparently self-identify using geographic names relevant to their local area and may consider the term “Kwisi” derogatory though the term is widely used to describe them. The population size is unknown, but from studies and geographic range likely to be very small.
c. The Kwepe
The Kwepe are a small group Kuvale-speaking people, formerly speakers of Kwadi, a Khoesan language that has recently become extinct in the last 15 to 40 years. They live near to the coastal areas of central-west Namibe. The population size is unknown, but from studies and geographic range, the numbers are likely to be small. There is ongoing debate as to whether this group self-identifies and is a distinct culture.
d. The Ovatwa / Twa / Vátua / Vátwa
The Ovatwa are a semi-nomadic group often presumed to be closely related to the Ovahimba, though this appears to be a sharing of culture rather than a close genetic relationship, the latter being much closer with the Kwisi. The Ovatwa migrated from what is now Mozambique and were previously hunter-gatherers. They are considered to be of lower status by the pastoralist Ovahimba. As with the Ovahimba, Ovatjimba and Ovazemba, the Ovatwa are also found across the border in north-west Namibia. The population size is unknown, but as in Namibia likely to number in the thousands at most.
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e. Ovatjimba / Ovachimba
The Ovatjimba are a semi-nomadic pastoralist group, who have historically relied on both cattle and hunter-gatherer livelihoods. They have therefore been regarded as less affluent than Ovahimba, who tend to own larger number of cattle. In similarity to the Ovahimba, the Ovatjimba speak a dialect of Herero. The population size is unknown. In neighbouring Namibia, the Oavtjimba number more than the Ovatwa but less than the Ovahimba, so estimates are likely to be in the thousands.
It remains unclear whether the Ovazemba, another cross-border group similar to the Ovatjimba, comprise a seventh group or are not present in significant numbers.
5. The Social Safety Nets Project
Objective and Guiding Principles
The objectives of the project are to provide temporary income support to poor households in selected areas and to strengthen the delivery mechanisms for a permanent social safety net system.
The proposed project design builds on the main findings from background studies undertaken in FY17/18, notably the Social Protection Public Expenditure Review (2018) and the SCD. The proposed project would assist the government of Angola in enhancing the readiness of the social protection sector to implement short and mid-term mitigation measures that would (i) enable the country’s subsidy reform; and (ii) help establish an effective social protection system.
Project Components
Component 1: Cash transfer program to poor households (US$ 260 million equivalent)
The objective of this sub-component is to design and implement the systems for a temporary cash transfer program that aims to mitigate the impact of the subsidy reform on poor populations (bottom two quintiles) with a goal of reaching one million households. The cash transfers would last for 12 months, in the form of six bimonthly payments of Kz. 10,000.00 per household. The cash would contribute to help households smooth consumption as they adjust to the direct and indirect basic goods and services price increases.
Subcomponent 1.A – Key permanent delivery systems to implement social safety nets (US$ 15 million)
This subcomponent is expected to increase the effectiveness of the social protection system by developing delivery systems that enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of the social protection sector and allow MASFAMU, especially the National Directorate for Social Assistance, FAS, and participating municipalities to better manage their programs.
The specific systems to be further developed under the project include the following: Registry; Targeting system; Payment system; Management Information System (MIS); M&E system;
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Grievance Redress Mechanism (GRM) and; a basic referral system for cash transfer beneficiary households to access local productive inclusion and human development interventions.
Beneficiary households would be selected using a combination of geographical targeting and a poverty verification process (Proxy Means Test) involving household surveys and a final community validation.
Efficient payments systems would be built under the project to ensure that most payments are made through competitively selected external payment agencies. Payment agencies will eventually be selected on the quality and costs of services they would offer to facilitate beneficiaries’ access to the funds.
Subcomponent 1.B – Cash transfer program (US$ 245 million)
Transfers to be received by the beneficiary households amount to the equivalent of 10 percent of the poverty line per individual i.e. AOA 5,000.00 (approx. US$ 15.00) per month and per family. This amount is close to the average poverty gap of AOA 5,500.00 and maximizes the cost-benefit ratio of the transfers in terms of estimated poverty reduction impacts. Given the uncertainty about the extent of the subsidies and their impacts on different household groups, this amount may be revised after updated simulations based on the IDREA 2018 data and DPF PSIA analysis and according to available additional fiscal resources.
Under the proposed project, the cash transfers would last for one year, after which a subset of households would be supported to access other existing local safety nets programs (Component 2). Given the nature of the subsidy reform, the program will target 40 municipalities which concentrate urban poverty (including the18 provincial capitals). These municipalities host approximately one million households among the bottom 40 percent, half of them in urban areas of these municipalities. Initially, transfers would be paid bimonthly through payment cards (potentially quarterly in areas where payment infrastructure is especially weak) or basic bank accounts.
Despite the dearth of individual-level information on poverty in Angola, documented gender inequality in the country suggests that the marginal impact of the transfers would be higher if they reached women. It is estimated that a significant proportion of beneficiary households will be households with a single female adult earner (approximately 40 percent of households self-report as female-headed).
Component 2: Development of an effective basic safety nets system (US$ 50 million equivalent)
The specific objective of this component is to strengthen the capacity of MASFAMU, FAS and partner institutions responsible for activities in social safety nets at the central, provincial and municipal levels to build the basic blocks of a proper safety nets system. This component includes two sub-components that aim to strengthen communication and develop complementary programs to support productive and human capital investments at the municipal
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level.
Subcomponent 2.A: Communication strategy for the subsidy reform and the safety net programs (US$ 5 million)
This sub-component is expected to increase the support for the subsidy reform and help enlarge the political space for its implementation. The project would support the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Social Communication and MASFAMU to set up and implement a communication strategy for the subsidy reform. Communication activities will provide key information to external (citizens) and internal (civil servants and decision-makers) audiences to help create awareness and understanding of the subsidy reform as a reform of the social contract within the overall reform agenda, with the transformation of the social safety net from universal regressive subsidies to poverty targeted direct transfers including the cash transfer program and the improvement of basic services and economic diversification which would benefit the middle-class. The communication would lay out the short-term changes and their calendar and the expected impacts in the medium-term.
The project would also support FAS and MASFAMU to set-up and implement an information, education and communication (IEC) strategy for the operationalization of the cash transfer program and other selected programs.
Subcomponent 2.B: Establishment of a basic safety nets system, supporting investments in productive and human capital (US$ 45 million)
This sub-component is expected to strengthen the poverty impacts of the safety net systems by helping address more structural characteristics of poverty. It aims to support the Government of Angola in establishing an effective poverty-targeted cash-based safety nets system in the mid-term. Building on the on-going decentralization process, which includes the municipalization of social assistance, institutional and administrative capacity for well-targeted and scalable social assistance programs for the poor – such as cash transfers, productive inclusion initiatives and services to support to human capital development– would be strengthened at the decentralized level to enable the poor and vulnerable population to participate in the country’s development and growth process. The project would thus support the development of a referral system (Component 1.A).
A subset of the cash transfer program beneficiaries would be referred to existing productive inclusion, supported by FAS in selected municipalities (US$ 20 million). The types of activities offered to participants would largely depend on the interventions available in their municipality of residence but would include specific technical assistance and inputs to increase their income-generation capacity. Participating members of the household could be an out-of-school teenager, or an out-of-labor force/underemployed adult. The project will support interventions to facilitate the participation of women in income generation, especially by providing support to potentially working mothers through child care services. Based on the existing portfolio of FAS activities under Matching Grants in Benguela, Baia Farta, Caála, Huambo, Lubango and Namibe, this sub-component would support the provision of skills and grants to promote smallholder agriculture,
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self-employment, entrepreneurship and strengthen linkages with other Government initiatives such as support to commercial agriculture and farmer field schools for 5,000 beneficiaries in these municipalities and an additional 5,000 beneficiaries in these four provinces (Benguela, Huambo, Huila, Namibe).
Based on the information in the social registry, the project would support technical assistance to strengthen social sectors coordination and access of the cash transfer beneficiaries to human development services. Building on the mapping of social services developed by the Health and Community Development Agents (ADECOS) with support from the Local Development Project, the project will support the incipient municipal Integrated Centers for Social Action (CASI) already present in 19 of the targeted municipalities in developing pilot coordination mechanisms and intervention between the SSN, identification, health and/or education providers. The project would also provide technical assistance to improve social sector coordination bodies, at the municipal level the Social Concertation Committee (Comité de Concertacão Social) and at the national level the National Council for Social Action.
The project would provide support to CASIs for activities that would help strengthen the linkages of beneficiaries to human development services such as (i) mobile ID/registration campaigns, (ii) ADECOs providing incentives and information for beneficiary households to bring drop-out children/youth back to school to further investments in their human capital, to prevent early marriage or teenage pregnancy, to access mother and child and reproductive health services, prevent chronic malnutrition (iii) health fairs, support to victims of domestic violence, social inclusion of teenagers and youth through CSOs. A positive menu of eligible activities will be developed in the operational manual. Municipalities with an established CASI will present a budgeted plan to MASFAMU/PISU, with the activities to be supported. Following procedures described in the grants’ operational manual, MASFAMU/PISU would approve the plan and FAS would procure the necessary materials. No works (i.e. construction of CASIs) will be supported by this component.
Component 3: Project management (US$ 10 million equivalent)
This component would support the establishment of a dedicated project implementation support unit (PISU) to support FAS and MASFAMU in implementing project activities. It is anticipated that FAS will lead the implementation of the cash transfer program and the overall operations of the project activities while MASFAMU will focus on coordination, overall communication strategy for the reform, and supervision of the CASIs and coordination with human development service providers. Given the expected increase in workload to establish various novel delivery mechanisms and to deliver cash transfers at scale, the project will support the recruitment of a core group of team members including a project coordinator, an operations coordinator, a registry coordinator, a payment coordinator, as well as financial management, procurement, M&E, social development, environment, institutional development, IT and communication specialists. This staff will liaise with municipalities and other actors who provide services in the communities.
The project will support the establishment and activities of a multi-sectoral committee, led
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by the Secretary for Economic Affairs of the Presidency and including MINFIN, MASFAMU, MAT and INE which will function as a steering committee for the project and contribute to a whole of government approach for the subsidy reform.
The component will also support targeted capacity building for the implementation of programs. Component 2 seeks to strengthen government’s operational capacity to implement. monitor and evaluate the social safety nets, and effectively use the delivery systems. This component would support the provision of additional technical assistance and specific capacity building activities for MASFAMU and FAS so that they can strengthen strategic planning, fund-raising, and advocacy for social assistance.
6. Vulnerable Groups Planning Framework
The VGPF has a broad objective of ensuring a thorough engagement of the VGs in the country development plans which:
• Ensure that the development process fosters full respect for the human rights, dignity, aspirations, identity, culture, and natural resources-based livelihoods;
• Avoid adverse impacts of the Project, or, when avoidance is not possible, to minimize, mitigate and/or compensate for such impacts;
• Promote sustainable development benefits and opportunities in a manner that is accessible, culturally appropriate and inclusive;
• Improve project design and promote local support by establishing and maintaining an ongoing relationship based on meaningful consultation throughout the lifecycle of the Project;
• Where applicable, to obtain undertake Free, Prior and Informed Consent; and
• Recognize, respect and preserve the culture, knowledge, and practices of VGs and to provide them with an opportunity to adapt to changing conditions in a manner and in a timeframe acceptable to them.
The VGPF provides guidance for preparing Vulnerable Groups Plans (VGPs), as and when necessary during project implementation. The VGPF is designed to ensure inclusion of VGs into the Project design, planning and undertaking of planned activities to enhance development process with full respect to the dignity, human rights, economies, and culture of VGs.
The VGPs for specific municipalities will be prepared through a highly participatory, flexible and pragmatic process using participatory planning based on the findings of stakeholder engagements conducted. Municipal facilitators, in consultation with IP in their respective areas, will develop specific IPPs appropriate to the identified mitigation measures and livelihood enhancement activities. The implementation of VGPs will help the VGs create important opportunities for improving their quality of life and well-being. The Project will ensure participation of VGs so that
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they benefit from program-related activities that may help them fulfill an aspiration to play an active and meaningful role in sustainable development.
7. Requirements for a Social Assessment of a Vulnerable Groups Plan
Once it is clear that the project will be implemented in an area where IPs are present, the social officer for the FAS Provincial Unit would conduct a social assessment. The social assessment includes the following elements, as needed:
a. Baseline data collection on the demographic, economic, social, cultural (including cultural heritage), and political characteristics of the affected VG communities, the geographically distinct habitats, ancestral territories, or areas of seasonal use and occupation that they have traditionally owned or customarily used or occupied, as well as the land in the project area and the natural resources in these areas on which they depend, and an assessment of their degree of vulnerability and the constraints they face to access project benefits.
b. Assessment of the nature and degree of the expected direct and indirect economic, social, cultural (including cultural heritage), and environmental risk and impacts on VGs who are present in, or have collective attachment to, the project area.11
c. The identification and evaluation of measures necessary to avoid adverse effects, or if such measures are not feasible, the identification of measures to minimize, mitigate, or compensate for such effects, and to ensure that the VGs receive culturally appropriate benefits under the project.
d. A description and assessment of the legal and institutional framework applicable to VG communities. Besides describing the legal status of VGs in the country’s constitution, legislation (laws, regulations, administrative orders) and customary law, this section should also include an assessment of the ability of their communities to obtain access to and effectively use the legal system to defend their rights.
e. A summary of the Stakeholder Engagement Plan, which would include stakeholder analysis and engagement planning, disclosure of information, and meaningful consultation, in a culturally appropriate and gender and inter-generationally inclusive manner.12
f. A summary of the framework for meaning consultation and, where applicable, Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC)13 with the affected VGs during project preparation and implementation. The consultations should: (i) involve representative bodies and organizations (e.g., councils of elders or village councils, etc.) and, where appropriate, other community members; (ii) provide sufficient time for VGs’ decision-making
11 In these circumstances, the GoA would engage independent specialists to assist in the identification of the project risks and impacts.
12 The GoA should consult VGs as to the cultural appropriateness of the Project’s proposed services and seek to identify and address any social or economic constraints that may limit opportunities to benefit from, or participate in, the Project.
13 See FPIC section. This project is not likely to have any circumstances requiring FPIC.
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processes; and (iii) allow for the effective participation by VGs in the design of project activities or mitigation measures that could potentially affect them either positively or negatively. Feedback on the project would be gathered through separate group meetings with vulnerable groups, including their traditional leaders, NGOs, community-based organizations (CBOs), CSOs and other affected persons. The consultations should also help inform the social assessment with regard to demographic data, such as the social and economic situation and impacts. Finally, a summary needs to be prepared of the FPIC process and how its requirements have been met.
In deciding if to continue with this project, the FAS ascertains on the basis of this Social Assessment and the consultations and, where applicable, FPIC, whether the affected Vulnerable Groups provide their broad community support to the project. This supports needs to be reflected in minutes or acts from meetings organized by the municipal and comuna councils. The World Bank will not proceed further with the activity or, possibly, the project if it is unable to ascertain that such support exists.
8. Elements of Vulnerable Groups Plan
The VGP(s) will include the following elements, as needed:
a. A summary of the social assessment;
b. A summary of the legal and institutional framework applicable to Vulnerable Group communities in the project;
c. A summary of the Stakeholder Engagement Plan;
d. A summary of the framework for meaningful consultation and, where applicable, Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) with the affected VGs during project preparation and implementation;
e. A detailed description of culturally appropriate measures to mitigate any adverse impacts, as well as culturally appropriate and sustainable development benefits.14
f. Institutional arrangements, with a clear description of responsibilities and accountabilities. This should include measures to strengthen the capacity of implementing agency at the central as well as the provincial level to address VG issues and the possibility of involving local CBOs, CSOs and NGOs with expertise in VG issues;
g. The Grievance Mechanism. FAS will ensure that a grievance mechanism is established for the project, which is culturally appropriate and accessible to affected VGs, and takes into account the availability of judicial recourse and customary dispute settlement
14 Impacts refers not only to physical, but also cultural impacts on Vulnerable Groups. Where control of resources, assets and decision making are predominantly collective in nature, efforts will be made to ensure that, where possible, benefits and compensation are collective, and take account of intergenerational differences and needs.
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mechanisms among the VGs. When designing the grievance procedures, priority should be given to resolving grievances through the local grievance mechanism.
h. The cost estimates and financing plan for the VGP implementation. The implementation of the VGP will require financial support especially during the application of recommended mitigation measures. For interventions under Productive Inclusion, the budget for the VGPs will be incorporated into the total intervention budget.
i. Mechanisms and benchmarks appropriate to the project for monitoring, evaluation, and reporting on the implementation of the VGP. Monitoring arrangements should include the following tasks: (i) Administrative monitoring to ensure that implementation is on schedule and problems are dealt with on a timely basis; (ii) Socio-economic monitoring during and after VGP implementation, utilizing the baseline information established by the socio-economic survey of VGs undertaken during subproject preparation to ensure that impacts on VGs are mitigated and benefits reach VGs; and (iii) Overall monitoring.
9. Stakeholder Engagement
Stakeholder engagement is the cornerstone in the involvement and participation of VGs in implementation of the project. The Project will ensure effective participation of all stakeholders throughout the Project cycle.
Stakeholder engagement (SE) is a method that involves gathering information from all parties in a given community. The key points included listening to all stakeholders’ opinions sincerely, extensively, patiently and modestly; respecting all participants; showing interests in their knowledge, speeches and behaviors; and encourage knowledge sharing and obtain their commitment to participate in the Program implementation.
In the areas where VGs are present, the municipal facilitators will undertake a stakeholder engagement to identify their needs and a better way of engaging them in the program activities. The breadth, depth, and type of engagement required will be proportional to the nature and scale of the proposed sub-projects.
FAS’ Stakeholder Engagement Plan (SEP) has been prepared according to the following principles:
– The SEP describes the timing and methods of engagement with all stakeholders throughout the life cycle of the project as agreed between the Bank and FAS, distinguishing between project-affected parties and other interested parties. The SEP also describes the range and timing of information to be communicated to project-affected parties and other interested parties, as well as the type of information to be sought from them.
– The SEP is designed to take into account the main characteristics and interests of the stakeholders, and the different levels of engagement and consultation that will be appropriate for different stakeholders. The SEP sets out how communication with stakeholders will be handled throughout project preparation and implementation.
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– The SEP describes the measures that will be used to remove obstacles to participation, and how the views of differently affected groups will be captured. Dedicated approaches and an increased level of resources may be needed for communication with such differently affected groups so that they can obtain the information they need regarding the issues that will potentially affect them.
– When the stakeholder engagement with local individuals and communities depends substantially on community representatives (such as village heads, clan heads, community and religious leaders, local government representatives, civil society representatives, politicians or others), FAS will make reasonable efforts to verify that such persons do, in fact, represent the views of such individuals and communities, and that they are facilitating the communication process in an appropriate manner (for example, by conveying, in an accurate and timely manner, information provided by FAS to the communities and the comments and the concerns of such communities to FAS).
The SEP is initially designed as a framework approach, outlining general principles and a collaborative strategy to identify stakeholders and plan for an engagement process that will be implemented once the locations and project activities are finalized.
Free, Prior and Informed Consent
The project is unlikely to have circumstances that require Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). FPIC is applied when subprojects:
– Have adverse impacts on land and natural resources subject to traditional ownership or under customary use or occupation;
– Cause relocation of Vulnerable Groups from land and natural resources subject to traditional ownership or under customary use or occupation; or
– Have significant impacts on the cultural heritage of Vulnerable Groups that is material to their identity and/or cultural, ceremonial, or spiritual aspects of their lives.
Where applicable, FPIC applies to project design, implementation arrangements and expected outcomes related to risks to and impacts on the affected VGs. Vulnerable Groups will be consulted in good faith based on sufficient and timely information concerning the benefits and disadvantages of a project and how the anticipated activities occur. Consent refers to the collective support of affected VGs for the project activities that affect them, reached through a culturally appropriate process. It may exist even if some individuals or groups object to such project activities. FPIC does not require unanimity and may be achieved even when individuals or groups within or among affected VGs explicitly disagree.
In terms of documenting FPIC, where applicable, FAS will ensure that the following is documented:
– The mutually accepted process to carry out good faith negotiations that has been agreed by the GoA and the VGs; and
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– The outcome of the good faith negotiations between the GoA and VGs, including all agreements reached as well as dissenting views;
Based on consultations, the process of meaningful Stakeholder Engagement and, where applicable, FPIC, will be infused into the Obstacles and Opportunities for Development (O&OD) process in all steps which utilize high level consultation and participatory tools at every stage of project design, implementation and monitoring and evaluation. The O&OD process ensures that SSAHUTLCs, gender, youth, persons with disabilities and other vulnerable groups from the community in the respective sub-project areas are included in the Project, that any negative impact is addressed, and benefits accrued are shared.
The participatory stakeholder’s engagement and, where applicable, the FPIC results, will determine whether to proceed with a respective sub-project or not. In case it is agreed to proceed, the municipal facilitator will prepare the following:
– The findings of the stakeholder engagements;
– Where applicable, the process of FPIC with the affected VG communities. This would include additional measures, such as project design modification, to address adverse effects on the VG and to provide them with culturally appropriate project benefits; and
– Any formal agreements reached with VGs.
The consultation process will document the community general assembly minutes with attendance lists and VG members’ lists, photographic evidence and minutes of other meetings and/or back-to-office reports.
10. Potential impacts of the Project on Vulnerable Groups
The implementation of the Program to VG communities will be based on a choice of activities to be identified and prioritized by respective VG communities. The Project is expected to have potential benefits to VG communities, but some negative impacts might also occur. The Project will continually maintain and strengthen positive outcomes and mitigate negative impacts. The following are potential impacts expected through Project activities:
Potential impacts of the Cash Transfers
The execution of Cash Transfers to VGs Groups may have both positive and negative impacts. The positive impacts include speeding changes towards development in the communities. Cash Transfers will enable VGs to gain access to improved nutrition, improved shelters and commodities of their choice. On the other hand, productive transfers may have negative impacts to VGs since cash received might interfere with traditions and cultural norms, such as hunting methods and community lifestyles. In addition, targeting may cause intra-community tensions between beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries.
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Potential impacts of Productive Inclusion activities
It is expected that there will be an increase in household income resulting from various income generating activities to be supported by the productive inclusion sub-component. Potential negative impacts could be inadequate involvement of VGs in the implementation of sub-projects, affecting VG cultural and traditional sites, and affecting their traditional means of feeding and living. The potential impacts are addressed by appropriate application of ESS. Awareness raising to VG communities is another way of dealing with potential adverse impacts.
Below is a list of possible sub-projects for Productive Inclusion that communities may prioritize on after carrying out participatory planning:
a. Smallholder agriculture
b. Carpentry
c. Mechanics workshop (bike repair and agricultural equipment repairs)
d. Establishment of small shops
e. Small handicraft, tailoring activities
Potential Negative Impacts of Proposed Sub-projects
Based on the consultations, project-affected communities, including those with Vulnerable Groups, support the project objectives and activities. They have raised some possible risks and impacts at the community level. These include: loss of range land and hunting blocks / areas; loss of forests in culturally sensitive areas for VGs.
Impact
Possible Actions
Responsible
Disappearance of social and culture practices related to land due to interference with other communities
Municipalities to institute land allocation and demarcation. Land Use or Management Plans to be put in place.
Continual awareness building/sensitization/consultation
Municipal Councils
FAS municipal staff
Potential loss of some range land and hunting blocks/areas
Municipalities to demarcate land for VG hunting/grazing activities
Provision of alternative activities to VGs
Municipal Councils
FAS municipal staff
Loss of some trees/forested areas in culturally sensitive areas for VGs
Propagate afforestation sub-projects that are designed, implemented and supervised by VGs
Municipal Councils
FAS municipal staff
Loss of traditional livelihoods
Design productive inclusion to blend with traditional livelihoods to the extent possible
Municipal Councils
FAS municipal staff
Increased vulnerability of VGs due to communication barriers
Use of communication mechanism that will assure their participation in the Project
Municipal Councils
FAS municipal staff
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Adequate measures in SEP to ensure that VG voices are heard
11. Consultations
FAS undertook consultations with government agencies and non-governmental organizations in order to secure community support for the implementation of activities that were to be carried out by the Local Development Project and, eventually, by the Social Safety Net project (Further details are available in Annex 2). FAS staff working in the field will ensure that San people are involved in the various activities of the proposed project and their assets will not be negatively affected by the project activities.
As indicated above, VGs and other project beneficiaries support the project objectives and benefits. They have raised some initial concerns about risks and impacts, and FAS will work with them closely to address any adverse impacts as well as opportunities for culturally appropriate benefits.
In order to ensure the San are aware of the opportunity to request Project assistance, FAS would request that organizations working with San and other Vulnerable Groups be informed of community development opportunities through the Project. These organizations would then share this information among various San communities as well as assist San in preparing development plans to present to FAS. The best way to disseminate information to San communities is through direct community interactions. Therefore, FAS staff working at the provincial level would work directly with organizations working with San and other SSAHUTLC groups, as well as meeting with San communities to inform them of opportunities that can be requested from FAS.
The VGPF will be updated based on discussions with municipal, provincial, central Government and civil society including NGOs, Consultation Councils and potential Project beneficiaries that happened during the preparation missions.
12. Institutional Arrangements
Screening
Due to the massive movements in population due to the civil war, it is difficult to determine where specific San communities are currently located.
FAS will work with organizations currently working with and reconnecting with San populations to identify where San communities now reside. Screening will also need to be done for other groups that would be considered as SSAHUTLCs under ESS 7 of the World Bank ESF.
Capacity building will be provided to FAS and to provincial and municipal Governments hosting San communities and/or other VGs on specific approaches and interventions adapted to the livelihoods and culture of San or VG populations. The capacity building will be provided by ES Specialists from the World Bank and by institutions hired by MASFAMU with demonstrated capacity working with Vulnerable Groups.
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If the Screening of a subproject indicates that VGs are present in the area, FAS will ensure that, before any project activity is implemented, a social assessment is carried out (See section 7 above) and a VGP is prepared in accordance with the requirements of ESS 7. Before implementation of the subproject, the FAS will send the Social Assessment and the VGP – which have been consulted upon by the VG communities – to the Bank for review.
Grievance Mechanism
The grievance mechanism is set out in the Stakeholder Engagement Plan. The following describes the steps for filing complaints:
a) Project stakeholders will be able to communicate their grievances through various channels of acceptance (in writing, by phone, email, letter, through traditional community leaders, etc.). Regardless of how complaints are communicated, the project team will ensure that all complaints are well recorded and entered into a database for follow-up, monitoring, and reporting.
b) The GRM will provide a timely notice to the complainant(s) that their complaint has been received, recorded and reviewed for eligibility. If eligible for consideration, the GRM will communicate with the complainant(s) within 3 to 5 days of receiving the complaint.
c) The GRM will:
• Decide on direct action to resolve the complaint; or
• Assess the situation and consult with the complainant(s) and other stakeholders to jointly determine the best way to resolve the complaint; or
• Determine that the claim is not eligible for GRM because it does not meet the basic eligibility criteria, or because another mechanism (inside or outside the organization, including court proceedings) is the most appropriate channel for the claimant to use.
d) The GRM will communicate its proposed response to the complainant(s) in a timely manner, in writing and using language readily available to the complainant(s).
e) Where there is an agreement between a claimant and the GRM team to advance the proposed action or stakeholder process, a response (where possible, with resolution) must be provided within a month.
f) In some cases, it may not be possible to provide the complainant(s) with a satisfactory answer. In some cases, good faith efforts may not be able to resolve complaints. In such situations, GRM staff should review the response with the claimant and explore whether a modification in response may address the complainant’s concerns.
g) The final step is to close the complaint. If the response was satisfactory, GRM personnel should document the satisfactory resolution. Written documentation of the claimant indicating satisfaction with the response must be obtained. If the response is not
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satisfactory, the GRM should indicate if the complainant(s) will pursue further recourse through the judicial or other legal processes.
FAS will ensure that the grievance mechanism established for the project is culturally appropriate and accessible to affected VGs and takes into account the availability of judicial recourse and customary dispute settlement mechanisms among VG communities. San and other VG communities and individuals who believe that they are adversely affected by the project may submit complaints to the project-level Grievance Redress Mechanism or the WB’s Grievance Redress Service (GRS). The GRS will ensure that complaints received are promptly reviewed in order to address project-related concerns.
Implementation and Monitoring
FAS will explore the feasibility of contracting a NGO with previous experience working with Ethnic minorities to better plan and implement activities benefitting this target group. The NGO would work with the San and other VG communities to identify their priorities, ensuring that they are included in productive inclusion, access to adequate human development services especially given that they are among the poorest communities in Angola.
The Project will define specific Project indicators to measure the participation of the San populations in the programs and will measure the number of San households participating in its activities. Analytical work to better understand the new dynamics of the San populations will also be financed by the Project. Quarterly reports detailing the progress of the activities targeting San populations will be provided as a specific chapter of the Project Progress Report.
Activities will be implemented with intensive participation and constant consultation of and feedback by beneficiary households.
13. Disclosure
The VGPF will be shared with all organizations working with San and other VGs in Angola and will be translated into Portuguese and, where necessary, local languages. The VGPF will also be shared with municipalities hosting San populations. The FAS’ social safeguards specialist will share the VGPF with the San communities and discuss opportunities that could be available through any complementary intervention developed during project implementation. It will also be clearly explained to the VGs that, if they are interested, they can request FAS assistance with regards to developing interventions.
The VGPF is being disclosed in-country and at the World Bank’s external website. It will be advertised in a national newspaper in Angola and copies of the VGPF will be available at FAS’ central and provincial offices and at the municipal level, in the municipalities participating in the Project.
14. Organizations Working with San and other Vulnerable Groups in Angola
• The Irish Catholic Agency for World Development, TROCAIRE
• MBAKITA
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• ACADIR
• OSISA
• Windhoek-based Working Group of Indigenous Minorities in Southern Africa (WIMSA)
• TdH
• OCADEC
• Ministry of Family Social Action and Promotion of Women (MASFAMU)
• Catholic Church
15. Estimated budget
The following is an indicative budget for outreach on the VGPF, consultations and preparation of VGPs, where necessary. These activities will be financed out of the project budget.
Activity
Cost (US$)
Analytical work
200,000.00
Contracting of NGO and operational costs
500,000.00
Participation of VGs in Productive Inclusion and Human Development activities (including consultations)
200,000.00
Preparation of VGPs
100,000.00
Final audit of the implementation
200,000.00
Total
1,200,000.00
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ANNEX 1 – SCREENING TOOL FOR SSAHUTLCS
SCREENING TOOL FOR SSAHUTLCs UNDER ESS7 Scope of Application – To whom does it apply? (ESS7, paragraph 6) Scope of Application Explanation Considerations
Terminology (para. 6)
ESS7 applies a flexible approach to terminology to groups identified SSAHUTLCs appropriate on national context
Are there other suitable terms in local vernacular?
Discuss these terms in consultation with communities and client, and safeguards advisors and ESS7 specialists.
Application of ESS7 where disadvantaged communities are present in project area (para. 7)
• ESS7 recognizes that Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities have identities and aspirations that are distinct from mainstream groups in national societies and often are disadvantaged by traditional models of development.
In many cases, SSAHUTLCs also experience disadvantage, exclusion and discernible social, economic and political vulnerabilities in a number of ways which, according to paragraph 7 are key variables “in designing plans to promote equitable access to benefits or to mitigate adverse impacts”
Implications for SSAHUTLCs inclusion in Bank projects:
 Note the following in ESS7:
 SAHUTLCs have their own understanding and vision of their well-being and that this is a holistic concept that relates to their intrinsic relationship to lands and traditional practices and is reflects of their way of life (ESS7, para. 2, note 2).
 “Bank-financed projects may also create important opportunities for SSAHUTLCs to improve their quality of life and well-being. A project may create improved access to markets, schools, clinics and other services that seek to improve living conditions” and views SSAHUTLCs as having a vital role in sustainable development. (para. 4)
 This has implications for project design, delivery, implementation arrangements and expected outcomes
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related to risks and impacts are addressed, including:
 This involves meaningfully consulting with disadvantaged communities as per ESS10 (Stakeholder Engagement) and in a process that is tailored to them in accordance with ESS7. For example – designing culturally appropriate, inclusive, accessible, transparent meaningful consultation (ESS7 paras. 23-28, including FPIC where circumstances warrant,15 especially regarding possible resettlement (para. 31), access to lands and resources (paras. 29-30), impacts to cultural heritage (paras. 32-33), monitoring, reporting and engagement during implementation, ESS10, section B)
 For Grievance Redress Mechanisms (GRM) see ESS7 section C, para. 34 on and ESS10, paras. 26-27)
 Broader development planning (ESS7, section D, paras. 35-36)
SCREENING CHARACTERISTICS UNDER ESS7 (paras. 8 and 9) 8.(a) Self-identification as members of a distinct indigenous social and cultural group and recognition of this identity by others
Questions and Factors to Consider
• Do they identify themselves as an Indigenous community or a traditional community or around a distinct cultural identity? You can ask: What does it mean to you to be a xxxx? How would someone
15 Circumstances which require free, prior and informed consent (ESS7, para. 24): Indigenous Peoples/Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities may be particularly vulnerable to the loss of, alienation from or exploitation of their land and access to natural and cultural resources. In recognition of this vulnerability, in addition to the General Requirements of ESS 7 and those set out in ESSs1 and 10, the Borrower will obtain the FPIC of the affected Indigenous Peoples/Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities in circumstances in which the project will: (a) have adverse impacts on land and natural resources subject to traditional ownership or under customary use or occupation; (b) cause relocation of Indigenous Peoples/Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities from land and natural resources subject to traditional ownership or under customary use or occupation; or (c) have significant impacts on Indigenous Peoples/Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities’ cultural heritage that is material to the identity and/or cultural, ceremonial, or spiritual aspects of the affected Indigenous Peoples/Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities’ lives. In these circumstances, the Borrower will engage independent specialists to assist in the identification of the project risks and impacts.
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outside of their community describe who they are, especially their distinguishing features as a community. Do others recognize them as belonging to those groups (international/regional, national, neighboring communities). Note: When asking if others would recognize them, it is not about being described as “Indigenous” but whether or not others would recognize their distinctness as per the characteristics under ESS7. The term Indigenous does not have widespread usage in remote areas, although the concept is being used more as community representatives are increasingly participating in global and regional human rights processes and are interacting more with NGOs who are working in this space. What is important is to understand how they characterize themselves and what features distinguish them as a community (versus the dominant societal group).
• Are there local terms that identify IPs/SSAHUTLCs? If so, are they recognized in legislation, policy frameworks or in previous communications with the Bank (i.e. “disadvantaged communities”? Does it mention their names in development frameworks, policy, etc.)?
• What term is used in the national policy discourse and mainstream media with regard to these groups of peoples to distinguish them from the dominant societal group? (Also, are there local terms or concepts which capture the idea of ‘traditional local communities’, underserved, culturally distinct communities?)
• Are there provisions in relevant laws regarding these groups’ collective rights as communities or any other specific group rights? Who are these groups and what are these provisions? (i.e. communal rights on pastoral land, hunter gatherer land, seasonal use rights, Wildlife Management Areas, participatory land use planning processes, CCROs, etc.)
• Has a census been conducted in recent years in the country? If so, are these communities reflected in the census? If not, do regional and district governments have demographic and disaggregated data. Validate with communities during consultations. How are they identified? By self-identification or other criteria? Are other criteria used (i.e. livelihood activity, hunter-gatherers, pastoralists, etc.).
8.(b) Collective attachment to geographically distinct habitats, ancestral territories, or areas of seasonal use or occupation, as well as to the natural resources in these areas;
Questions and Factors to Consider
• How long has the community lived on that land? Do members of the community have historical knowledge of these ancestral lands – have these boundaries changed? Why? Is there anthropological, ethnographic or legal data that can validate? (Note: verification is not meant to discredit oral history and traditional knowledge, it is to help understand the broader context of erosion of traditional lands where the community lived has traditionally used used). Do they have their own maps of the area that names places, sacred sites, cultural uses, etc.?
• Would they consider that land to be their ancestral or traditional land? Have they moved from their traditional lands? If so, why did they move? If they have moved, ask further questions about the causes that led to migration; how they have reconstituted themselves as a community; if they find these lands adequate for their livelihoods; what the impact of moving has had on their identity as a community and their livelihoods, their language, institutions and so on.
• What are the customary laws of the affected people as they relate to land tenure and resource use and management? Are these respected? What is the current land laws and policies (as well as economic and development policies which can impact land administration and community lands)? What is the impact of the government’s land tenure system, laws and policies on customary tenure and tenure security in general?
• Is the community using the land and resources in accordance with their customary laws, values and traditions, including cultural, ceremonial or spiritual use, and seasonal or intermittent use of resources
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(for example, for hunting, fishing, grazing, agriculture, flora extraction of forest and woodland products, periodic cultural, ceremonial and spiritual uses)?
• Is there any formal legal title resting with the community to all or some of the ancestral area? Is this title enforced? If not, what accounts for lack of enforcement? What impact has it had on a community’s livelihood, food and water security, relationships with neighboring communities, etc.
• Identify protections and mechanisms for securing communal land tenure for SSAHUTLCs under applicable law (i.e. Certificate of Customary Right of Occupancy). Are these effective in protecting the community’s rights to live on and live off those lands? What are the limits/benefits of this tenure mechanism? What could strengthen it? Who is responsible for enforcement and monitoring of tenure arrangements? Does it adequately protect land boundaries? Why or why not?
• Are there other non-SSAHUTLCs sharing or living on their lands? Is this relationship recognized formally (i.e. land use and land management plans)? Are there informal arrangements? Are these informal arrangements working? If not, what is the impact on intra-community relationships? Are the various communities respecting boundaries? Is there evidence of encroachment? What is the effect of this on the disadvantaged community (i.e. food availability, housing, livelihoods, etc.)? What is the impact of this on the relationships with neighboring communities?
• Are there any land claims (including litigation) initiated by the affected community (before the courts, relevant government offices and administrative proceedings)? (This helps verify community claims over a territory. Documents used in proceedings could contain helpful background information on the community)
• Is there any interest in and potential for the community to contribute to or manage project activities impacting their lands, resources and territories? Is there any co-management of their communal resources (i.e. ranger programs, managing community forests, etc.)?
• Is there any opportunity to strengthen tenure rights, decision-making capacity over their lands, etc. in a project area? Have they received help or assistance from others regarding securing tenure (i.e. environmental/conservation NGOs, human rights NGOs, community-based legal organizations, etc.). How do they work with the community in determining mapping, land use, involvement in the tenure process, etc.?
• Are there any vulnerable individuals in the community who are further marginalized by lack of access to land/property rights or inheritance rights? (i.e. women, and the children of women in single headed households)? How could this be strengthened? What accounts for this exclusion – customary or cultural norms and/or lack of formal legal recognition or other discriminatory informal and formal rules? How does lack of access of property rights impact them?
• Has there been or is there a potential for increased conflicts between SSAHUTLCs and surrounding communities over land and/or resource scarcity (including clashes over differences in land use)?
• How are livelihoods attached to these lands? Do they rely on land and natural resources for housing, water, traditional subsistence, economic development, dress, traditional medicines, etc.? (Given the sensitivities around traditional knowledge, especially with respect to intellectual property issues and as some traditional knowledge is considered sacred and not to be shared with outsiders, social specialists can ask in general terms if the community has traditional uses for plants for medicines, traditional ecological practices (i.e. meteorological forecasting, searching for water, searching foods during certain times of year, planting methods, hunting, etc.).
• Are there areas in their traditional territory of spiritual or cultural significance? Do they have access to them now?
8.(c) Customary cultural, economic, social, or political institutions that are distinct or separate from those of the mainstream society or culture
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Questions and factors to consider:
• Are there traditional leaders or a traditional leadership structure? Has the national government conferred any local or decision-making powers on them? If so, how do they work with local and other levels of government? Are there any issues where traditional leadership is the first or primary decision-maker in the community?
• Does the community have an internal decision-making process? How are representatives chosen? How do members participate? How do women, youth, elders, persons with disabilities participate? Are there any barriers to participation, including customs and social norms?
• How does the community deal with internal disputes or harms against other members? How are norms of behavior governed in the community? What is the process for redress or restitution?
• What are the main modes of economic activity? Has this changed over time? For example, if a hunter-gatherer community can no longer regularly practice their livelihoods, how has turning to other livelihoods options (i.e. agriculture) changed, if it does, their identity, other cultural practices, traditional knowledge, language, etc.? Has this changed traditional gender roles and community relationships? If so, in what ways? Is this perceived to be a positive or negative development? Why have their livelihoods changed?
• Are there alternative sustainable economic development ideas to supplement loss of traditional livelihood ideas (i.e. using traditional foods, plants, etc. and traditional knowledge to create a product for market – honey, tea leaves, etc.). (This question assesses the extent to which a community may draw on traditional knowledge and practices to innovate when a community is unable fully rely on their traditional livelihoods– it shows distinctness and connection to their traditional livelihoods)
• Does the community have traditional education systems, using their own languages, teaching and learning methods? Is this in use now? If not, why? Would the community like revitalize it?
• Who is responsible for transmitting to future generations their histories, languages, oral traditions, philosophies, writing systems and literatures? Who is responsible for teaching youth and children their cultural and livelihood practices, their language, passing down traditional knowledge? Has this eroded? If so, in what ways?
• Is the community able to practice and revitalize their cultural traditions and customs? What are some examples of their cultural expression (i.e. spiritual practices/belief systems, visual and performing arts, storytelling, mythologies, creation stories, ceremonies, artefacts, traditional games and sport)? Have these changed over time? Why? How?
• How would they describe their spiritual system? Is this practiced today? Are there other religious or spiritual beliefs (for example monotheism) being practiced in the community? Are the practiced in tandem? What are the customs around burial ceremonies, practices and rituals for those who have passed on? What is their conception of an afterlife if there is one?). How do they speak of their relationship to ancestors? Is there a special burial place on their territory (is this part of ancestral burial grounds? Have these grounds been disturbed due land loss? Do they still have access to these lands?)
• Are there cultural practices related to rite of passages for women/girls and men/boys? What are they? Are there cultural or ritual norms and practices related to body adornment (i.e. removal of teeth, tattooing, facial or body scarring, painting, etc.)? What is the reason behind the practices? Who is responsible for executing these practices? At what age(ages) do these practices take place?
• Does the community rely in whole or in part, traditional medicines and health practices? Has this changed over time? What are the factors for this change? Are there traditional birth attendants and/or traditional healers? To what extent are traditional medical practitioners being used today? If it has changed over time, why?
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• Is there distinct marriage (or any kind of union) practices and norms, including marital age norms, norms around polygamy or monogamy, norms around dissolution of marriage, marriage partner selection norms (who one can marry), etc.?
• What are the traditional or customary land tenure system of the community? Is this in use now? If not, why? How has their land been traditionally managed to address environmental changes or overuse?
• Does the community have traditional conservation practices which they rely on? If so, how do they (both past and present) deal with climate change, disasters, habitat or wildlife loss? Does the community have traditional natural resource management systems (i.e. with respect to wildlife, forests, fisheries, etc.)? Are there traditional practices around water collection and searching for water?
• Does the community have systems and institutions to control, protect and develop their cultural heritage, traditional knowledge, traditional cultural expressions, manifestations of their sciences, technologies and cultures (including human and genetic resources, seeds, medicines, knowledge of these properties, traditional games and so on)? How did they pass this on to others?
• Are there customs around food production? What are examples of foods they eat? Who prepares it (and has practices around food preparation changed over time)? Are there new foods they eat? Where do they get it? Do they grow it (if farming is not part of their traditional practices, follow up with questions such as: why they are growing food, has anyone taught them farming practices, is it productive, etc.; what impact has this had on their culture, nutrition, or economic well-being?). Do they have traditional utensils, bowls and drinking vases, etc. Are they used? Who makes them?
• Who is responsible for child rearing? Is there a communal approach to child rearing? What is the role of the nuclear versus extended family? Are there gender norms in child rearing practices?
Do they have traditional houses or residential areas? Who lives in them? Do they have “modern” homes as well? If so, is there a preference of one over the other or does the community want the option of accessing both? What do traditional houses look like? Who lives in them (i.e. houses for elders, or same sex relatives, nuclear family, etc.). What materials do they use for their homes? Do they still have access to these materials? Do these homes provide sufficient shelter (note: some communities may say that with climate change or encroachment of their lands, they may no longer have regular access to materials to adequately cover their homes, so they are exposed to outside elements). Are housing structures static (permanent) or are they removed (or dissolve if they are made with natural materials) at certain times of the year in search of food or pastureland? Was nomadic dwelling a past custom? Why has this changed? Who stays back? What is the custom for members from neighboring clans to stay or temporarily reside with another clan?
• What types of tools are used for hunting, building homes, etc. Where do they get their tools? What tools are made by the community? Who makes them? Is this technology or technique (for example, metallurgy) considered a cultural (including traditional knowledge) and/or economic activity? 8.(d) A distinct language or dialect, often different from the official language or languages of the country or region in which they reside.
Questions and factors to consider:
• What is the language or dialect of the community?
• Does the community speak and understand each other in a distinct language or dialect? Is it similar to other language systems?
• Are there factors which are impeding language use and language transmission to new generations?
• Is this language vulnerable to extinction? If so, how many speakers are left in the group?
• Is it a written language? Do they have a distinct writing script or writing system? If so, what is the script and is it different from the dominant language script? Is this vulnerable to extinction?
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Are there dialects of the same language among sub-communities of the same cultural group? Do they understand each other? Who uses this dialect and is it widely used? 9. Considerations for SSAHUTLCs who have lost their collective attachment to distinct habitats or ancestral territories in project area, because of forced severance, conflict, government resettlement programs, dispossession of their land, natural disasters, or incorporation of such territories into an urban area
Scope of Application
Interpretation
Factors and Questions to Consider
• Applies to communities who meet the criteria under 8 (a to d)
• Applies to communities who meet criteria 8 (a to) who, during the lifetime of members of the community or group, have lost collective attachment to distinct habitats or ancestral territories in the project area, because of forced severance, conflict, government resettlement programs, dispossession of their land, natural disasters, or incorporation of such territories into an urban area
• Applies to forest dwellers, hunter gatherers, pastoralists or other nomadic groups (subject to satisfaction of the criteria in paragraph 8 criteria)
• If a community resides in a geographic location that is not their ancestral land but meets the other criteria under paragraph 8 and as para. 9, these lands should be recognized as communal lands intrinsic to their livelihoods and culture.
• Generally, it does not apply to individuals or small groups migrating to urban areas in search of economic opportunity. It may apply, however, where Sub-Saharan African Historically Underserved Traditional Local Communities have established distinct communities in or near urban areas but still possess the characteristics stated in para. 8.
Examples of drivers of land loss leading to movement away from ancestral lands:
Restrictive land laws, villagization policies, economic policy and initiatives, climate change, sustained drought, land use pressures, alienation of (or forced displacement) pastoral and hunter gatherer land for commercial agriculture, wildlife-based tourism and conservation interests, restrictive forest management laws, infrastructure development and extractive industry enterprises, lack of enforcement of land use plans and weak monitoring, degradation and habitat loss, intra-communal conflicts, lack of tenure or enforcement of tenure
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ANNEX 2 – SUMMARY OF CONSULTATIONS
The following groups were consulted during project preparation from March to May 2019, many of which will be active stakeholders in the project:
Government Departments/Ministries
1. Ministry of Economy and Planning (Ministério da Economia e Planeamento)
2. National Statistics Institute (Instituto Nacional de Estatística)
3. Ministry of Justice and Human Rights (Ministério da Justiça e Direitos Humanos)
4. Ministry of Public Works and Social Security (Ministério da Administração Pública Trabalho e Segurança Social)
5. Ministry of Health (Ministério da Saúde)
6. Ministry of Education (Ministério da Educação)
7. Ministry of Culture (Ministério da Cultura)
8. Ministry of Energy and Water (Ministério da Energia e Águas)
9. Ministry of Transport (Ministério dos Transportes)
10. Ministry of Mineral and Petroleum Resources (Ministério dos Recursos Minerais e Petróleo)
11. Ministry of Agriculture (Ministério da Agricultura)
12. Ministry of Telecommunications and Information Technology (Ministério das Telecomunicações e Tecnologias de Informação)
13. Government of Luanda Province (Governo da Província de Luanda)
14. Luanda Provincial Cabinet for Social Action
Civil Society Organizations
15. Action for Rural Development and Environment (ADRA Angolana)
16. ADRA Internacional
17. Observatory of Public Policy (Observatório de Políticas Públicas)
18. Forum of Women journalists for Gender Equality (Fórum das Mulheres Jornalistas para Igualdade de Género)
19. Community Builder Association (Associação Construído comunidades)
20. Angolan Poltico-Social Observatory (Observatório Político Social Angolano)
21. Mbakita
22. UNICEF
23. UNDP (PNUD)
24. UNFPA (FNUAP)
25. USAID
26. Fundação Open Society
27. Development Workshop
28. Study Center of Catholic University (Centro de Estudos da Universidade Católica)
29. Counsil of Christian Churches (Conselho de Igrejas Cristãs)
Opinion Makers
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30. Filomena Andrade
31. Filomena Oliveira
32. Cesaltina Abreu
33. Ismael Mateus
34. Guilherme Santos
35. Júlio Candeeiro
36. Paulo Felipe
Key issues raised:
The following are the key issues raised by SSAHUTLC representatives in consultations about the project:
KEY ISSUES RAISED
RESPONSE FROM MASFAMU
Vulnerable Groups will be supportive of the project. It is critical to listen carefully to VG communities and facilitate their ownership of the program so that it is responsive to their cultural needs and specific livelihoods, many of which are land-based. The key objective of the productive inclusion program should be to create long-term productive activities.
MASFAMU agrees that inclusive and culturally appropriate consultations are essential for the project and they are committed to further discussions with SSAHUTLC groups once the project sites and activities are identified and finalized.
Productive inclusion activities should take into account traditional agriculture, animal husbandry and diets of VGs. Setting up continuing education to help people establish productive activities is critical.
MASFAMU agrees with this point and will consider the proposal on continuing education.
The government should avoid “reintegrating” or assimilating VGs in mainstream society – if that is not what they want.
This is not the purpose of the project. The consultations will discuss further whether cash transfers will work in the Vulnerable Group communities and will consider other options.
Some VGs are leaving their traditional lands due to changing climate or encroachment by government or private sector interests. While national law recognizes land rights, including protection of traditional lands, few VGs have succeeded in receiving formal titles for their land. This affects where they live and their ability to get access to government programs, like the one supported by the project.
MASFAMU notes this point. The project proposes to provide cards to eligible participants, which should help in terms of identifying beneficiaries.
Cash amounts should vary, based on family configuration.
After much consideration, the project proposes a single cash transfer amount per family. Productive inclusion grants may vary, depending on the grant proposals.
The social cards should be like debit cards and used for authorized basic needs. The project should draw on experience in other countries, like South Africa.
MASFAMU notes this proposal and will consider it further.
Information for registering people in the social safety net program can be derived from the election registers. The government should build on the information it already has.
MASFAMU notes this point and will look into it further.